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A PRIVATE FACE OF ANTHROPOLOGY: THE CIA, THE AAA
& THE COMPREHENSIVE ROSTER OF 1952
David H. Price
St. Martin’s College
This paper was presented at a special
Presidential Panel held at the Annual
Business Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, CA, November 16, 2000. Panel discussion of paper by: Robert Fernea,
Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Janet Levy, William Peace and Joe Watkins.
My interests in tracing anthropologists’
historical interactions with intelligence agencies are two fold: my primary
interest is in the epistemological examination of relationships between Cold
War infrastructure and anthropological theory and practice, my secondary
interest stems from personal concerns with the ethical dimensions of
intelligence agencies enlisting the services of anthropologists.
In many ways the epistemological
issues are easier to confront than are the ethical ones—though it is the ethics
of all this that cuts to the heart of basic assumptions of who we are, what we
stand for, and why we do what we do. Tonight’s paper presents a summary of a
full-length article based on archival and Freedom of Information Act research
that examines how the Executive Board of the American Anthropological
Association came to enter into a covert relationship with the Central
Intelligence Agency in the early 1950s.
I believe this history is important to us for a number of reasons, but
most importantly because it can inform us of the need for ethical guidelines
limiting our interaction with military and intelligence agencies.
In March 1951 AAA Executive Secretary Frederick Johnson informed
President William Howells and the Association’s Executive Board that several
governmental agencies were requesting a detailed cross-indexed roster of the
Association’s membership. Johnson wrote
that these agencies were growing “justifiably impatient” and he stressed his
belief that they “should in some way pay for the roster”.
This interest in compiling a
detailed membership roster had its roots in the great mobilization efforts of
the Second World War. With America’s
entry into the war, the Office of Coordinated Information (later to become the
OSS) had scrambled with some difficulty to locate individuals with the specific
cultural and linguistic knowledge needed for the war effort. Without a centralized database it took some
time to locate anthropologists and other scholars with the requisite knowledge.
As the war ended, and the Cold War began, it became obvious to the intelligence
community that such geographical and cultural expertise would be an important
commodity to track and acquire. Thus, the Association was approached to help
coordinate this enterprise.
After researching options for
compiling a roster Johnson told the Executive Board that working with the
Central Intelligence Agency offered the best opportunity for the Association
this despite the CIA’s insistence on secrecy, requiring that no one learn of
its participation. Part of the attraction
of working with the CIA was its access to computers that could compile and sort
this database of anthropologists’ expertise.
In February 1951, the Board voted
on a proposal authorizing Johnson to begin negotiations with the CIA to produce
a membership directory. This ballot item stated that: “The final agreement will
be based on the idea that the Anthropological Association will sponsor the
roster and the CIA will do the technical work connected with it. The [Central Intelligence] Agency will be
allowed to keep one copy of the roster for its own use and it will deliver to
the Association a duplicate copy..“ The Board voted to approve the motion.
Most Americans in the early 1950s
had not heard of the CIA and those who had generally understood that it’s
mission was primarily to gather intelligence, rather than using covert
means to dictate policy or subvert democratic movements at home and
abroad. None of this is to argue that
in its early years the CIA was somehow a benevolent, law abiding organization,
or that the Executive Board made the correct decision when they chose to
deceive the Association’s membership. It wasn’t, and they didn’t. With the distance of history we now know that even from
its earliest days, the CIA had a mandate under the 1947 National Security
Council Directive 4/A to engage in interventionist covert actions both at home
and abroad, and that it had already violated the OAS Charter on multiple
occasions by the time the Board approved this collaboration.
Acknowledging that the Executive
Board did not fully understand who the CIA was does not alleviate the Board of
responsibilities for its actions--but it does highlight our need for clear
prohibitions against intelligence work.
As Sir James Frazer or Leslie White’s writings on taboo argue: we need
prohibitions not for things that are repellent to us, but for things that hold
natural attractions.
Well, Contra to such presentivist sensibilities, President Howells
was enthusiastic about working with the CIA on this project. He wrote Johnson that, “The CIA proposal is
ideal. We should go along with it, with
the understanding that they give us duplicate IBM cards and duplicates of the
questionnaires, which they can easily do; they are great at reproducing
things. If a reasonable questionnaire,
suitable to both parties, can be worked out, we will both get what we want.”
Of course just what the CIA wanted
from all this was never explicitly stated during these correspondences—though
institutional histories of the agency clarify they were after linguistically
and culturally competent contacts who moved freely in and out of Africa, Asia,
and South and Latin America. Howells
informed the Board that Johnson would work closely with the CIA—and CIA
anthropologists—to develop a questionnaire that would serve both the needs of
the Agency and the Association.
At Johnson’s suggestion President
Howells began selecting anthropologists who could serve as permanent liaisons
between the CIA and the AAA. Howells
sent Johnson a list of seven respected
anthropologists he believed well suited for this work, but Johnson fired back a
concerned letter noting that only one of the anthropologists named by Howells
met his criteria of individuals who would work well at CIA. He felt most of those suggested by Howells
were too “narrow”, “over-rated”, or too “restricted” in their outlook. Johnson instructed Howells to select a group
of conservative anthropologists from the four sub-fields who were heads of
departments, and to instruct them to “select from their advanced students
people who will do the work under supervision”—thus these young anthropologists
could advance in their careers with one foot in the Academy and the other
surreptitiously within the walls of the Agency. As Johnson developed plans for working with the CIA, he worked
closely with CIA anthropologist Jim Andrews [James Madison Andrews IV] and
other anthropologists on CIA staff.
It is presently not clear what became of this plan to establish a CIA liaison position, but this exchange illustrates both: the Association’s role as intermediary linking the intelligence community and our membership; as well as the extraordinary influence held by an un-elected member of the Board in establishing significant Association policy.
Archival correspondence between Frederick
Johnson and Howells indicates that Johnson had acted in violation of the
Association’s charter when he (a non-voting ex officio member of the Board)
improperly moved that the Board vote on the proposal for a cooperative secret
agreement with the CIA. Johnson
privately confided to Howells that, he had done this frequently and that “this
is against Robert’s Rules of Order”.
These charter violations raise
many questions—questions that take on an increased significance when one
considers the ease with which Johnson traveled in and out of CIA circles.
On April 17, 1951 Johnson sent a memo to the Board announcing that
negotiations with CIA had been completed, writing that: “The C.I.A. will
compile a preliminary questionnaire.
The people who will do this have had experience with the rosters being
made by the [National Security Resources Board] and they will be advised by
anthropologists on the C.I.A. staff.”
While the military-intelligence applications of the roster were privately discussed by the Board, these were explicitly downplayed and removed from more public presentations of the project. The AAA Archival documents contain a copy of the CIA’s early proposed draft of the Roster. Using FOIA I also obtained a copy of the final draft from the FBI (The FBI were of course spying on the CIA and various members of the AAA—and had determined that the roster’s questionnaire “may have been initiated by some Governmental agency, such as CIA, for the express purpose of obtaining intelligence data.”). A significant difference between this early draft and final document is the removal of language describing this as part of a national security preparedness program. The final version of the questionnaire de-emphasized talk of national security needs, instead stressing that, “the data compiled from this Roster will be used in the analysis of manpower problems and for possible placement…purposes”, creating an appearance that the roster would be primarily used for more academic employment goals.
Seven pages of the roster’s
questionnaire were designed to compile a detailed profile of the Association’s
membership, collecting information on:
citizenship status, foreign research areas, language proficiency, honors,
professional memberships, military status, travel habits, employment status,
professional experience, income levels, areas of professional specialty and
various non-work activities—many of these items would appear to be of interest
to the CIA’s purpose, and of marginal value to the AAA.
Frederick Johnson published an
announcement of the forthcoming questionnaire in the January 1952 Association’s
News Bulletin. It is important to
note what this announcement did and did not disclose about the roster. First, it did identify the ACLS as the only
non-AAA organization involved in the project.
As per secret agreement, there was no mention of the CIA’s involvement
in the production, analysis or consumption of the final product. The announcement did however state that the
roster was being compiled for various reasons including possible defense mobilization,
though this announcement stressed that the roster would be used to guide “the
activities of the Association and… affiliated societies.”
Conclusions:
Unfortunately, the documentary record of these events ends at the point that the membership was mailed the roster questionnaire. No copies of the final roster have been located at various archives, and the Central Intelligence Agency has not been forthcoming with a copy—so, many questions dealing with the meaning and outcome of these events are left hanging, though not all questions remain unanswered.
The CIA has actively resisted
legal efforts to determine if a copy of this roster still survives in the CIA’s
library or archives. The extent of
Frederick Johnson’s work with the CIA is not fully understood, and there is
little information on what became of the Executive Board’s plans to establish
an anthropology liaison position within the CIA—though the last mention of this
in the Association’s records finds the program advancing forward. The CIA
acknowledges it collected and has destroyed some records relating to the
AAA—though it does seem likely some records linking the Association and the
Agency may still exist. It is not known
to what uses the CIA put this completed roster, though we know from the Church
Hearings that during the early 1960s “CIA funding was involved in nearly
half the grants [made by agencies other than the Rockefeller, Ford &
Carnegie] foundations during this period in the field of international
activities”. It is not known what
role this roster may have played in linking unwitting or witting scholars with
the research funding opportunities that had been arranged by CIA, for the
interests of State—though we do know that the CIA did use such funding fronts
to finance apparently unwitting anthropologists during this period.
Even with these unknowns we still do know what CIA wanted, and what they
got. They wanted a detailed summary of our membership, our contacts, military
profiles, travel habits, research interests and linguistic abilities—and that
is exactly what they got.
These members of the Executive
Board have not been the only anthropologists working with intelligence agencies
such as CIA, this is only one event in a complicated but little studied
history. As I point out in an article in the current issues of The Nation:
it is a central part of our discipline’s collective lore that Franz Boas was
censured by our Association when he complained about the impropriety of
anthropologists using their research positions as a cover for espionage—but our
histories have often ignored the implications of the fact that during the next
great war, Samuel Lothrop (one of the spies who had been confronted by Boas in
the first World War), returned to his spy work without hesitation or adverse
consequence. Elsewhere I have documented
many other instances where anthropologists have worked for military and
intelligence agencies with impunity. It
is my view that these are acts that threaten the legitimacy and security of us all when no position is taken by our Association prohibiting such
practices.
It is curious how little
anthropologists have written about or studied these secret sharers from the
military and intelligence community who have perched at the edge of our
research arenas and shared our classrooms in language training institutes and
area study centers. Our (secret)
history suggests to me that without specific prohibitions of covert research we
do not deserve the default trust of those we study. Our field’s past betrayals
of these assumed trusts requires that we specify an unequivocal commitment to
full disclosure and non-alignment with military and intelligence
organizations. Our Principles of
Professional Responsibility needs to clearly and unambiguously declare that it
is inappropriate for anthropologists to work with intelligence agencies. It is not that I naively believe that
individuals could not violate such commitments: it is simply that no one we
study should assume we aren’t spies unless we at least declare we aren’t. While there are multiple anthropologies, we
need to assure the world we study that we have limits—and these limits include
assurances that we will not work with such agencies as the CIA.
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